The idea of inter-caste marriage is, moreover, linked with the idea of creating such a society involves a compromise with, if not subtle negation of, the ideal. I have bits and pieces of information about relations between a con­siderable numbers of other lower-order divisions in their respective higher-order divisions. The two former ekdas contin­ued to exist with diminished strength. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. Almost all the myths about the latter are en­shrined in the puranas (for an analysis of a few of them, see Das 1968 and 1977). There were Brahman and Vania divisions of the same name, the myths about both of them were covered by a single text. Similarly, although the number of marriages between the second-order di­visions in the Vania division, i.e., between Khadayata, Modh, Shrimali, Lad, Vayada, etc., has been increasing, the majority of marriages take place within the respective second-order divisions. The most important of them was the Koli division, which was, the largest division and mainly included small land­holders, tenants and labourers. Once the claim was accepted at either level, hypergamous marriage was possible. The two categories of castes have been deeply conscious of these differences be­tween them and have been talking freely about them. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajput’s on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). Also, the horizontal spread of a caste rarely coincided with the territorial bounda­ries of a political authority. The Brahmans and Vanias seem to have had the largest number of divisions as mentioned earlier, about eighty in the former and about forty in the latter. Daruwala is a composite of the Gujarati words ‘daru,’ meaning  alcohol, and ‘wala,’ which means seller or maker. Whatever the internal organization of a second-order division, the relationship between most of the Brahman second-order divisions was marked by great emphasis on being different and separate than on being higher and lower. However, it is assumed that ‘Rubberwala’ probably has an occupational origin, and referred to individuals who sold or produced rubber. It comes from the Gujarati word ‘sheth’ or ‘seth’ that means master, chief, or the head. This meant that he could marry a girl of any subdivision within the Vania division. The small town sections therefore separated themselves from the respective large town sections and formed a new ekda. Brahmin is des­ignated both as a Varna and a caste. Prohibited Content 3. We shall return to the Rajput-Koli relationship when we consider the Kolis in detail. That the sociological study of urban areas in India has not received as much attention as that of rural areas is well known, and the studies made so far have paid little attention to caste in urban areas. In most of the Hindu north Indian weddings, mangalsutra plays an important part and has a separate ceremony where the groom ties mangalsutra around the neck of his bride. While fission did occur, fusion could also oc­cur. Amin (originally the Patidar caste in Gujarat) probably had an occupational origin referring to individuals who worked as tax collectors for the Mughal Empire. 8 Benefits Of Dates During Pregnancy And How They Ease Labor, 5 Effective Ways To Stop Your Kid From Biting Nails, 81 Artsy Bohemian Baby Names For Boys And Girls, 100 Western-Sounding Indian Names That Are Easy To Pronounce, 100 Most Popular Hispanic Girl Names For Your Baby, 100 Common Chinese Last Names Or Surnames With Meanings. Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. There was another kind of ambiguity about the Brahman status or two other divisions—Kayatia and Tapodhan. Although it has been experiencing stresses and strains and has had ups and downs on account of the enormous diversity between the royal and the tribal ends, it has shown remarkable solidarity in recent years. Many second-order divisions were further divided into two or three status categories. Usually, these divisions were distinguished from one another by prohibition of what people called roti vyavahar (bread, i.e., food transac­tions) as well as beti vyavahar (daughter, i.e., marital transactions). I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. The Rajput’s’ relationship with the Kolis penetrated every second-or­der division among them, i.e., Talapada, Pardeshi, Chumvalia, Palia, and so on. Although I have not, during my limited field work, come across hypergamous marriages between Rajputs and Bhils, ethnographic reports and other literature frequently refer to such marriages (see, for example, Naik 1956: 18f; Nath I960. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. The exact meaning of the Ganjawala surname is unknown. These coastal towns were involved in trade among them­selves, with other towns on the rest of the Indian sea coast, and with many foreign lands. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. Not only that, there were also third-order divisions (i.e., ekdas) in one or more second-order divisions, and finally one or more fourth-order divisions (i.e., tads) in one or more third-order divisions. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. Any one small caste may look insignificant in itself but all small castes put together become a large social block and a significant social phenomenon. The main thrust of Pocock’s paper is that greater emphasis on differ­ence rather than on hierarchy is a feature of caste among overseas Indians and in modern urban India. Mehta comes from the Sanskrit word ‘mahita’ that means ‘great’ or ‘praised.’. Frequently, the shift from emphasis on co-operation and hierarchy in the caste system to emphasis on division (or difference or separation) is described as shift from whole to parts, from system to elements, from structure to substance. To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. For ex­ample, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gu­jarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. Kayatias and Tapodhans were consid­ered such low Brahmans that even some non-Brahman castes did not accept food and water from them. The surname thus has an occupational origin. Frequently, the urban popu­lation of such a division performed more specialized functions than did the rural one. In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experi­ence. Gujarat (along with Bombay) has perhaps the largest number of caste associations and they are also more active and wealthy compared to those in other regions. The castes of the three categories—primarily urban, primarily rural, and rural-cum-urban—formed an intricate network spread over the rural and urban communities in the region. Both have similar attributes. The main reason was that Anavils did not practise priesthood as a traditional occupation, nor were they involved in traditional Sanskrit learning. In addition, they carried on overland trade with many towns in central and north India. In the second-order divisions of the Leva Kanbis, the Anavils and the Khedawals, while the hypergamous tendency was strong, attempts were continually made to form small endogamous units: although the strength of the hypergamous tendency did not allow these units to function effec­tively, they nevertheless checked its free play to some extent. They then spread to towns in the homeland and among all castes. “It is not claimed that separation, or even ‘repulsion’, may not be present somewhere as an independent factor” (1972: 346,n.55b). A subcaste of Telis considered to be illegitimate in Betul.. Adhia caste is one of the many castes subcastes of India. What may be called the census ap­proach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. A new view of the whole, comprising the rural and the urban and the various orders of caste divisions, should be evolved. Most of them were, true to their name, rulers at various levels of the po­litical hierarchy from the kingly level to the level of dominant caste in many villages. Most of the other eighty or so second-order divisions among Brahmans, however, seem to be subdivided the way the Vania second-order divisions were subdivided into third-or­der and fourth-order divisions. The surname thus is an occupational one and refers to someone who comes from a family of masons or artisans. He stated: “…hereditary specialization together with hierarchical organization sinks into the back­ground in East Africa” (293). Then there were a number of urban divisions of specialized artisans, craftsmen and servants, as for example, Sonis (gold and silver smiths), Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weav­ers), Bhavsars (weavers, dyers and printers), Malis (florists), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Kachhias (vegetable sellers), Darjis (tailors), Dabgars (makers of drums, saddles and such other goods involv­ing leather), Ghanchis (oil pressers), Golas ferain and spice pounders and domestic servants), Dhobis (washermen), Chudgars (banglemakers), and Tambolis (sellers of area nuts, betel leaves, etc.). Following pages: 1 of ekdas or gols were each di­vided into groups called tads ( split ) Khadipeda! Town, did it possess any special characteristics in the processes of change in modern.. Leva Kanbi, and both signified an endogamous unit leading Anavils did not, however, there also. Among Brahmans and Vanias was found in almost every village had one or more second-order among... 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